With effect, it affirms CASANOVA (2001: 54): The set of these measures is impressive. They leave of a reorganization of the power in the global plan and of the functional combination of the financial power, politician and military man, with complements we riqussimos in the imaginary field and of the war for the illusions (…) However it may be, the central responsibility of the project was in charge of Deep the Monetary International and of the World Bank. Through them it was imposed new politics to the wing governments, with terrible sanctions for the defaulters. The State, now minimized, became fragile and subordinated it the market, distanciando itself of the social commitments. In the mat of the Consensus, it turned anacronismo to speak over all in protectionistic politics and in national sovereignty.

Therefore CASANOVA (2001: 58) strengthen: The neoliberal state recomps its social bases in the proper excluded, informal society, with a species of poor bourgeoisies, legal and illegal, and opposed to the ghost of the communism with that they threatened middle classes and the ascension laborers at the time the ghost of the generalized exclusion and the majority unemployment of workers and the middle class, already without centralidade and combatividade. The new dependent State obtained that many workers preferred to be exploited to be excluded, what took Fernando H. Cardoso to say that the phenomenon that must be feared already is not the exploration, but the exclusion. 2 As he infers yourself above of the citation, is sobremodo important to emphasize that FHC already recognized, in 1991, that the contituia neoliberalismo in a project of deep social exclusion. Exactly thus, in 1994, when assuming the treasury department, created the Real Plan, of neoliberalista inspiration e, in 1995, when assuming the Presidency of the Republic, still consolidated the Plan of more incisive form. The Real Plan not only aimed at to extinguish the inflation, but also to develop the measures of the Conseso in Brazil.